sighofannoyance OP , 8 months ago

the elections themselves, but makes Germans strangers in their own country. According to the definition of the Federal Statistical Office, 20.2 million people have an “immigration history”, meaning they have immigrated themselves since 1950 or are the children of these immigrants.

It becomes clear how the strategies of right-wing extremist actors and groups intertwine: Sellner supplies the ideas, the AfDers take them up and carry them into the party. In the background, others take care of networking: wealthy people, middle-class people, middle-class people, and debates always revolve around one question: How can a unified ethnic community be achieved? Act 2, Scene 1. Influencer serving the eviction master plan

It’s now about the practical details, the next steps: Mörig, who later describes himself as the “sole organizer” in response to questions from the editorial team, speaks of a committee of experts that will develop this plan - the expulsion of people with a migration background, including German citizens should. From an “ethical, legal and logistical perspective” – a racist plan in a legal guise. Mörig already has one member in mind: Hans-Georg Maaßen, the former head of the Office for the Protection of the Constitution.

Maaßen is a frequent topic on this day. According to several reports, the former constitutional protection officer is planning to announce the founding of his own party in January; the people in the room already know this; They bring up the new group several times at the conference.

But participants don’t seem to be taking this planned party very seriously. They are more concerned with their own plans, and they should be ready when “a patriotic force in this country has taken responsibility,” said Mörig.

The discussion is about how the idea of remigration should become a political strategy. Sellner says: To do this, “metapolitical, pre-political power” must be built up in order to “change the climate of opinion.” An active approach must support the coming right-wing government in Germany even after the election.

If you follow the content of the lectures, that practically means: money should also flow. In influencer projects, in propaganda, in action movements and university projects. That’s one side, the building of a right-wing extremist counter-public.

The other is the weakening of democracy, which means casting doubt on elections, discrediting the Constitutional Court, suppressing other opinions, and fighting public media. Act 2, Scene 2. As if the power had already tipped

One speaker follows the other, each lecture lasting about an hour. In between, lunch is brought and a waitress seems annoyed by the number of guests she has to serve.

In the afternoon Ulrich Vosgerau steps forward. He is a lawyer and was a member of the board of trustees of the AfD-affiliated Desiderius Erasmus Foundation and represented the AfD before the Federal Constitutional Court in the dispute over funding for the foundation.

The constitutional lawyer talks about postal votes, it’s about processes, about voting secrecy, and about his concerns about young voters of Turkish origin who are unable to form an independent opinion. In response to CORRECTIV questions, he later confirms this sentence. But he doesn’t want to be able to remember the idea of expatriating citizens in Sellner’s lecture.

Vosgerau considers the suggestion that a sample letter could be developed before the coming elections to cast doubt on the legality of elections to be conceivable: the more people take part, he agrees, the higher the probability of success. When he closes there is applause.

Others here also speak as if the balance of power had already been tipped. Apparently they believe they are on the verge of a breakthrough. Mario Müller, a member of the Identitarian Movement, a repeatedly convicted violent criminal and currently a research assistant to AfD member of the Bundestag Jan Wenzel Schmidt, also spoke in this style during his lecture on this day. Act 3, Scene 1. The Mörig Clan

Through the lattice windows of the country house a view of the company present opens up. The hall exudes old-fashioned splendor, a spinet in the corner, a grandfather clock on the wall, and many of the guests wear shirts and jackets.

The times seem good to them, the plans have been drawn up, at least in broad outline. But everything depends on money, Gernot Mörig knows that. In the 1970s, Mörig served as federal leader of the “Association of Home Loyal Youth,” a right-wing extremist association with a blood-and-soil ideology. Their 2009 spin-off “Heimattreu deutsche Jugend” was banned because of their neo-Nazi agenda. The “German youth loyal to their homeland” was so right-wing extremist that even Andreas Kalbitz, former head of the AfD in Brandenburg, was expelled from the party: he had previously been a guest at one of the group’s camps.

It was Mörig who selected the guests and specified the program