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rden.

The AfD parliamentary group leader in Saxony-Anhalt, Ulrich Siegmund, is also in the room. He will appear later to solicit donations. He is powerful in his party, also because his regional association has high approval ratings. His sales argument, in keeping with the spirit of the “master plan”: the streetscape needs to change and foreign restaurants need to be put under pressure. It should be “as unattractive as possible for this clientele to live in Saxony-Anhalt”. And that can be done very easily. His comments could have consequences in the next election.

CORRECTIV sent some of the participants questions about the meeting afterwards. Among other things: Looking back, what do you think about the central statements made there?

AfD member of the Bundestag Gerrit Huy did not respond to our questions by the time of going to press, nor did AfD politician Roland Hartwig or the party’s federal executive committee.

Ulrich Siegmund from Saxony-Anhalt had the media law firm Höcker write what they usually write: You are not allowed to quote from their answer, but your client is being accused of false things. Among other things, he was not there as a member of parliament for the AfD, but as a “private person”. In its answer, the law firm leaves open how Siegmund views the concept of “remigration”. He simply states that he does not want to “unlawfully expel” people.

And Gernot Mörig distances himself. He “remembers” Sellner’s statements “differently.” He writes to us: If he had consciously perceived such statements, they “would not have gone without objection from me” - especially with regard to the unequal treatment of German citizens.

The AfD feels that it is on the road to success; the current shift to the right is inspiring the party. According to recent surveys, it would be the strongest force in federal states such as Saxony and Thuringia with more than 30 percent - well ahead of the CDU, SPD and the Greens. At the same time, however, the party is under pressure. The Office for the Protection of the Constitution rates the AfD in Thuringia, Saxony-Anhalt and Saxony as right-wing extremist. Most recently, he classified the Junge Alternative (JA) in North Rhine-Westphalia as a suspected case. The reasons given were proximity to the Identitarian Movement, a “national-ethnic understanding of the people”, and “to make people with a migration background look contemptible”.

A ban on the party is being discussed more frequently these days. Over 400,000 people signed a petition for this, and the CDU politician Marco Wanderwitz, in turn, is gathering supporters in the Bundestag who would like to support a motion for a ban with him.

The AfD itself takes a stand against this and presents itself to the outside world as a democratic force: “As a party based on the rule of law, the AfD is unconditionally committed to the German people as the sum of all people who have German citizenship,” it says on its website. Immigrants with a German passport are “just as German as the descendants of a family that has lived in Germany for centuries” and: “There are no first or second class citizens for us”.

The statements at the meeting were different: At least the AfD politicians represented there freely professed their nationalistic ideals, unobserved from outside; There are no significant differences to the positions of extremist right-wing ideologists. Act 1. Scene 4 The utopia of the Nazis

Outside the snow crumbles into gray slush. But according to sources, the group is in a good mood; for them it is a good time. Organizer Gernot Mörig says he is usually a pessimistic guy. But on this day he feels hopeful. And that has, among other things, to do with the “master plan” of the right-wing thinker Sellner.

One idea is a “model state” in North Africa. Sellner explains that up to two million people could live in such an area. Then you have a place where you can “move” people. There are opportunities for training and sport there. And everyone who supports refugees could go there too.

What Sellner designs is reminiscent of an old idea: in 1940, the National Socialists planned to deport four million Jews to the island of Madagascar. It is unclear whether Sellner has the historical parallel in mind. It may also be a coincidence that the organizers chose this villa for their conspiratorial meeting: just eight kilometers away from the hotel is the house of the Wannsee Conference, where the Nazis coordinated the systematic extermination of the Jews.

Sellner throws in another combat term from the right-wing extremist vocabulary: the so-called “ethnic choice”. He has already secured the domain for it. Sellner says: “It’s not just that the strangers live here. They vote here too.” “Ethnic vote”, which means that people with a migration background would primarily vote for “migrant-friendly” parties.

This means: He doesn’t just delegitimize

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