The SAGE Encyclopedia of Terrorism, Second Edition by Gus Martin, Editor, 2011
A thoroughly updated and expanded edition of the original, highly regarded reference work. Nearly 100,000 words of new material were added, along with fully updated original entries, and expanded coverage. New introductory essays explore the impact of terrorism on economics, public health, religion, and even pop culture.
21st Century Anthropology: A Reference Handbook by H. James Birx, 2010
Highlights the most important topics, issues, questions, and debates any student obtaining a degree in the field of anthropology ought to have mastered for effectiveness in the 21st century.
Isms and Ologies: 453 Difficult Doctrines You've Always Pretended to Understand
What's the difference between an anarchist and an anarcho-syndicalist, a Platonist and a Neo-Platonist? And how modern can Modernism really be if all the famous modernists are dead?
Depression is the second most disabling disorder in the world. On a daily basis, virtually all mental health professionals confront patients with primary or secondary depression. The wealth of information available globally on depression is enormous, but has not been summarized into a comprehensive encyclopedia-until now.
Yacobi, Haim. 2016. “From ‘Ethnocracity’ to Urban Apartheid: A View from Jerusalem\al-Quds.” Cosmopolitan Civil Societies: An Interdisciplinary Journal 8 (3): 100–114.
Over the past 20 years, changes in demographic control, militarization, and state violence have radically transformed the city from an ethnocracity into an urban apartheid.
An ethnocracity refers to a city where a dominant ethnic group appropriates and controls the city apparatus to produce a contested, unstable space. Jerusalem was previously theorized as an ethnocracity.
Urban apartheid combines ethnic exclusion and segregation with market-driven forces like privatization, gentrification, and tourism planning. It relies less on formal legal structures and more on economic restructuring.
Urban apartheid intentionally segregates groups and allocates resources/rights based on race rather than residency. It is an intentional creation reflecting ideology and policy goals of domination, not just individual choices.
#reference/ Chances for Peace: Missed Opportunities in the Arab-Israeli Conflict. University of Texas Press, 2015.
“Drawing on a newly developed theoretical definition of “missed opportunity,” Chances for Peace uses extensive sources in English, Hebrew, and Arabic to systematically measure the potentiality levels of opportunity across some ninety years of attempted negotiations in the Arab-Israeli conflict.
With enlightening revelations that defy conventional wisdom, this study provides a balanced account of the most significant attempts to forge peace, initiated by the world’s superpowers, the Arabs (including the Palestinians), and Israel.
From Arab-Zionist negotiations at the end of World War I to the subsequent partition, the aftermath of the 1967 War and the Sadat Initiative, and numerous agreements throughout the 1980s and 1990s, concluding with the Annapolis Conference in 2007 and the Abu Mazen-Olmert talks in 2008, pioneering scholar Elie Podeh uses empirical criteria and diverse secondary sources to assess the protagonists’ roles at more than two dozen key junctures.
A resource that brings together historiography, political science, and the practice of peace negotiation, Podeh’s insightful exploration also showcases opportunities that were not missed. Three agreements in particular (Israeli-Egyptian, 1979; Israeli-Lebanese, 1983; and Israeli-Jordanian, 1994) illuminate important variables for forging new paths to successful negotiation.
By applying his framework to a broad range of power brokers and time periods, Podeh also sheds light on numerous incidents that contradict official narratives. This unique approach is poised to reshape the realm of conflict resolution.”
#reference / Solidarity and the Palestinian Cause: Indigeneity, Blackness, and the Promise of Universality. Zahi Zalloua (2023).
[…] Foregrounding Palestinian Indigeneity reframes the Palestinian-Israeli conflict as a problem of wrongful dispossession, a historical harm that continues to be inflicted on the population under the brutal Occupation of the West Bank and #Gaza. At the same time, in a global context marked by liberal democratic ideology, such an approach leads either to liberal tolerance – the minority is permitted to exist so long as their culture can be contained within the majority order – or racial separatism, that is, appeals for national independence typically embodied in the two-state solution.
#reference / The Catholic Church, anti-Semitism and anti-Zionism
from Theodor Herzl's personal diaries [English translation]; Book I, May-June 17, 1895:
[...] Anti-Semitism has grown and continues to grow — and so do I.
[...] I can still recall two different conceptions of the Question and its solution which I had in the course of those years. About two years ago I wanted to solve the Jewish Question, at least in Austria, with the help of the Catholic Church. I wished to gain access to the Pope (not without first assuring myself of the support of the Austrian church dignitaries) and say to him: Help us against the anti-Semites and I will start a great movement for the free and honorable conversion of Jews to Christianity.
[...] And because the Jewish leaders would remain Jews, escorting the people only to the threshold of the church and themselves staying outside, the whole performance was to be elevated by a touch of great candor.
[...] We, the steadfast men, would have constituted the last generation.
#reference / Zwi Migdal (or Zvi Migdal) was a Polish-Jewish-run, most profitable prostitution ring in South America and beyond
Apropos Jeffrey Epstein’s unsealed court documents , his real heritage is possibly Zwi Migdal - a Jewish global crime syndicate trafficking Jewish women as sex slaves.
#reference / Shlaim, Avi, Nadim Rouhana, Andre Zaaiman, and Na’eem Jeenah. 2012. “Pretending Democracy: Israel, an Ethnocratic State.”
My central thesis in this chapter is that the iron wall was a national strategy to which rival Zionist political camps subscribed during both the pre-independence and the post-independence periods. In other words, it will be argued that there was a remarkable convergence between main- stream Labour Zionism and right-wing Revisionist Zionism when it came to the Arab question and that this convergence persisted after 1948 under the Labor Party, Likud, and Kadima. To say this is not to deny the exist- ence of deep differences between the rival political camps. Clearly, there was always a European-style ideological divergence between the left and right wing on social, economic and political issues. Nor is it to deny that there were also significant differences when it came to the Arab question. Rather, the argument is that while left and right were divided on the territorial aims of Zionism, they were united on the strategy of the iron wall. Revisionist Zionism staked a claim to a Jewish state over the whole of the British mandate of Palestine, including Transjordan. Labour Zionists, on the other hand, accepted the principle of the partition of Palestine into two states, one Jewish and one Arab. At the risk of over-simplification, the two groups may therefore be described as territorial maximalists and territorial realists. Yet – and this is the crucial point – regardless of the extent of their territorial ambition, the two groups understood that, given the absolute Arab rejection of the whole idea, a Jewish state could be established only by force of arms.
#reference / Shlaim, Avi, Nadim Rouhana, Andre Zaaiman, and Na’eem Jeenah. 2012. “Pretending Democracy: Israel, an Ethnocratic State.”
The "Iron Wall" doctrine is a political strategy proposed by Zionist leader Ze'ev Jabotinsky in 1923. Knowing very well European Jewish presence in Palestine would never be accepted, It advocated for the establishment of a Jewish state as a so-called "iron wall". The doctrine argued that Zionists should prioritize building up their own military and economic power without making any concessions to Arab interests or seeking Arab cooperation.
[...] My central thesis in this chapter is that the iron wall was a national strategy to which rival Zionist political camps subscribed during both the pre-independence and the post-independence periods. In other words, it will be argued that there was a remarkable convergence between mainstream Labour Zionism and right-wing Revisionist Zionism when it came to the Arab question and that this convergence persisted after 1948 under the Labor Party, Likud, and Kadima. To say this is not to deny the existence of deep differences between the rival political camps. Clearly, there was always a European-style ideological divergence between the left and right wing on social, economic and political issues. Nor is it to deny that there were also significant differences when it came to the Arab question. Rather, the argument is that while left and right were divided on the territorial aims of Zionism, they were united on the strategy of the iron wall. Revisionist Zionism staked a claim to a Jewish state over the whole of the British mandate of Palestine, including Transjordan. Labour Zionists, on the other hand, accepted the principle of the partition of Palestine into two states, one Jewish and one Arab. At the risk of over-simplification, the two groups may therefore be described as territorial maximalists and territorial realists. Yet – and this is the crucial point – regardless of the extent of their territorial ambition, the two groups understood that, given the absolute Arab rejection of the whole idea, a Jewish state could be established only by force of arms.
Yacobi, Haim. 2016. “From ‘Ethnocracity’ to Urban Apartheid: A View from Jerusalem\al-Quds.” Cosmopolitan Civil Societies: An Interdisciplinary Journal 8 (3): 100–114.
Over the past 20 years, changes in demographic control, militarization, and state violence have radically transformed the city from an ethnocracity into an urban apartheid.
An ethnocracity refers to a city where a dominant ethnic group appropriates and controls the city apparatus to produce a contested, unstable space. Jerusalem was previously theorized as an ethnocracity.
Urban apartheid combines ethnic exclusion and segregation with market-driven forces like privatization, gentrification, and tourism planning. It relies less on formal legal structures and more on economic restructuring.
Urban apartheid intentionally segregates groups and allocates resources/rights based on race rather than residency. It is an intentional creation reflecting ideology and policy goals of domination, not just individual choices.
#history#reference / Peretz, Dekel. 2022. Zionism and Cosmopolitanism: Franz Oppenheimer and the Dream of a Jewish Future in Germany and Palestine. De Gruyter.
Introducion: Zionism for the Diaspora: Bridging the Gap between German
and Zionist Historical Narratives [p. 6]
An important step towards interlinking these narratives is to contextualize Oppenheimer and like-minded Zionists in a period when Germany’s colonial and imperial aspirations were peaking. It seems to go without saying that historical research needs to consider contemporaneous geographical, political and intellectual conditions. Yet this basic staple of the historian has been often neglected by researchers of German colonialism and of German Zionism in respect to the correlation between these two coetaneous affairs. It is not the purpose of this book to examine the causes of this neglect. Nevertheless, I would like to make some hypothetical suggestions.
First, Germany did not have a long-established colonial apparatus of the size and quality of France and England. There were certainly fewer Jews active within the German colonial service and, apart from a few prominent protagonists mentioned in this book, research into this matter is sparse. However, the lack of active service within the colonial bureaucracy alone is not indicative of the level of enthusiasm and advocacy of German colonial ambitions among German Jewry. There were other spheres in which support for colonial undertakings could manifest themselves
Second, due to the racialist and outright racist aspects of colonialism as well as the ultimate devastation that German colonial and imperial ambitions brought on the Jews during the Second World War and the Holocaust, it retroactively seems unfathomable that Jews could have ever been involved in any way with
German colonialism.
Third, the Zionist narrative is shaped by a teleological perspective. The focus of Zionist historiography on the contributions made to building the state of Israel, together with the ideology of diaspora negation¹⁷ – preaching total separation and distancing from Europe – blurred out conceptions of Zionism in which the establishment of Jewish sovereignty did not contradict a continued Jewish life in Europe or even envisioned realizing this sovereignty in places other than Palestine. During the First World War, Oppenheimer and his Zionist contemporaries proposed the establishment of Jewish cultural sovereignty or autonomy within (Eastern) Europe, in remarkable affinity with the anti-Zionist Bundism prevalent in Eastern Europe, revealing the diversity of opinions within early German Zionism. Furthermore, the Balfour Declaration and the subsequent British endorsement of Zionism overshadowed earlier attempts by German Zionists to integrate
Zionism into a broader German colonial scheme.
Fourth, further clouding the vision is the tension in Zionist historiography between the depiction of the intellectual origins of the Zionist movement within the context of European nationalism on the one hand, and the conceptualizing of Zionism as an anomaly of nationalism with independent roots in the ethnic, messianic character of Judaism on the other. The international nature of the movement makes it from the start a difficult object for comprehensive study.¹⁸ Finally, and probably most importantly, the negative association of colonialism with violent subjugation, foreign transgression, and unjustifiable occupation made it an unlikely candidate for integration by a Zionist historiography charged with constructing the national narrative of a Jewish state in a long-running conflict with indigenous and neighboring populations.
#hisotry#reference / Between Prague and Jerusalem : the idea of a binational state in Palestine. Dimitry Shumsky (2010). [Hebrew; German edition 2013]
Prof. Dimitri Shumsky, a Russian-born historian at Hebrew University, argues that the Zionist vision prior to 1948 was for a bi-national political entity in Israel/Palestine, not an ethnic Jewish nation-state as exists today.
Most early Zionist thinkers and leaders, across ideological camps, advocated some form of bi-national framework that would provide collective rights for both Jews and Palestinian Arabs. This view changed drastically after 1948.
Shumsky says the bi-national vision broke down due to the Holocaust, World War II, and the 1948 war, which led to Jewish sovereignty and control rather than a power-sharing agreement.
He sees reviving the civic currents in Zionist thought as a way to "re-Zionize" and make more inclusive the Israeli state today, though he recognizes the challenges given dominant Zionist nationalism that resists such change.
Shumsky situates himself as trying to uncover suppressed Zionist intellectual streams that were responsive to the reality of a land shared by two peoples, not just idealistic notions. Bringing these to light can impact views today.
#hisotry#reference / Between Prague and Jerusalem : the idea of a binational state in Palestine. Dimitry Shumsky (2010). [Hebrew; German edition 2013]
Prof. Dimitri Shumsky, a Russian-born historian at Hebrew University, argues that the Zionist vision prior to 1948 was for a bi-national political entity in Israel/Palestine, not an ethnic Jewish nation-state as exists today.
Most early Zionist thinkers and leaders, across ideological camps, advocated some form of bi-national framework that would provide collective rights for both Jews and Palestinian Arabs. This view changed drastically after 1948.
Shumsky says the bi-national vision broke down due to the Holocaust, World War II, and the 1948 war, which led to Jewish sovereignty and control rather than a power-sharing agreement.
He sees reviving the civic currents in Zionist thought as a way to "re-Zionize" and make more inclusive the Israeli state today, though he recognizes the challenges given dominant Zionist nationalism that resists such change.
Shumsky situates himself as trying to uncover suppressed Zionist intellectual streams that were responsive to the reality of a land shared by two peoples, not just idealistic notions. Bringing these to light can impact views today.
#reference#intifada The Palestinian Intifada -- December 9, 1987-December 8, 1988: A Record of Israeli Repression. 1989.
" ... how can a people whose statehood was claimed by reason of history's worst human calamity, the #Holocaust, engage in policies and practices which are reminiscent of what they suffered at the hands of others?" (p.ix)
Note on the word intifada (انتفاضة): “a rebellion or uprising, or a resistance movement” in contemporary Arabic.